The aims of the workshop are to encourage interest in the academic editing of texts for publication and to offer practical support and advice to those engaged on editing projects. While the emphasis will be on the Society’s approach to text editing, the workshop will be of value to anyone involved with or contemplating such work. There is no charge and lunch will be provided. If you would like to attend, please simply email firstname.lastname@example.org.
From 10.00 Coffee
10.30 Welcome and introduction from the President
10.45 Professor Trevor Levere will reflect on his work as volume editor for our most recent publication, The Arctic Journal of Captain Henry Wemyss Feilden, RA, the Naturalist in H.M.S. Alert, 1875-1876.
11.30 Dr Maurice Raraty, ‘The Travels of Purwalelana: Experiences of a Neophyte Series Editor’
12.00 Professor Joyce Lorimer, ‘Working with your Series Editor’
12.30 Dr Guido van Meersbergen: ‘Scoping and Planning a Major Project: The Norris Embassy to Mughal India’
1.00 – 1.45 Lunch.
Afternoon chair: Professor Joyce Lorimer
1.45 The Hakluyt Society Pub Quiz
2.15 Professor Michael Brennan, ‘Editing English Travellers to Venice: 1450-1600 – Multiple Texts and Images’
3.00 Dr Gloria Clifton, ‘Images, Permissions and Copyright’
3.20 Dr Julia Leikin, ‘Russian Faith, Honour, and Courage: Capturing John Elphinstone’s travels with the Imperial Russian Navy, 1769-1770’
3.40 Coffee or tea
3.50 Dr Katherine Parker on preparing proposals for Hakluyt Society volumes
4.10 (or thereabouts) ‘The Brains Trust’ with panel members Dr Gloria Clifton, Captain Mike Barritt and Professor Will Ryan, and participation encouraged from the room.
It is free to attend, but you must email the co-ordinator, Pierre Lurbe, (email@example.com) by 27 January, telling him whether you intend to attend the entire conference or just one particular day or session.
It will be held on Friday 7th (all day) and Saturday 8th (in the morning).
VENUE: Sorbonne University, Amphithéâtre Georges Molinié, Maison de la Recherche, 28 rue Serpente, 75006 Paris.
Friday 7 February 2020:
8.45-9.00: Welcome addresses
9.00-10.35: Session 1: “Visions of Paradise”
Chair: Pierre Lurbe (Sorbonne Université)
9.00-9.25: Anja Winters (University of Vienna), “Paradise Lost – An essay on Terra Australis Incognita and Captain James Cook”
9.25-9.50: Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding (Université de Lille), “From William Hodges’s View of Matavai Bay (1776) to Simon Gende’s Captn Cook in Australia (2018): the aesthetic of Pacific exploration and encounter in the 18th century and beyond”
9.50-10.15: Ben Pollitt (University College London), “Weaponized Aesthetics – Fireworks and the Burkean Sublime in Cook’s Last Voyage”
10.35.-11.00: coffee break
11.00-12.35: Session 2: “Explorers and Conquerors”
Chair: Jim Bennett (Hakluyt Society)
11.00-11.25: Anna Agnarsdóttir (University of Iceland), “James Cook and Joseph Banks: From exploration to imperialism”
11.25-11.50: Pierre-François Peirano (Université de Toulon), “James Cook and the search for the ‘Northwest Passage’: the stakes and the scope of the third voyage”
11.50-12.15: Dane A. Morrison (Salem State University), “Performing Cook: American Explorers’ Appropriation of James Cook’s Voyages”
Dr Katy Roscoe shares some of her insights into 19th-century convict experience in Bermuda and Gibraltar from research she has pursued with the help of a Hakluyt Society Research Grant.
In this blogpost, I apply the concept of cosmopolitanism to an unusual group of people: convicts.
More than 12,000 British and Irish male convicts were transported to the British penal colonies of Bermuda and Gibraltar between 1824-75. During the day convicts worked on the Royal Naval dockyards, mostly quarrying and transporting stone for building projects, and were shut up at night on prison hulks or on-shore barracks.
To what extent did the ‘cosmopolitanism’ of these naval hubs shape the convicts’ ‘ways of being in the world’? Were convicts included in the bustling, mixed social worlds of these port-cities, or were they segregated? To answer, these questions, I refer to texts I examined at the Bodleian Libraries (Oxford) and the University of Nottingham Special Collections thanks to the generosity of a Hakluyt Society Research Grant.
Bermuda and Gibraltar were commercial centres which were also linked to imperial networks as military outposts and British colonies. The convict population reflected these global mobilities. Major Arthur Griffiths, stationed at Gibraltar from 1864-70 and briefly governor of the convict establishment in 1869, was a prolific author. In his fictionalised account Lola: A Tale of Gibraltar (1877), Griffiths described the inmates as follows:
‘It was a cosmopolitan collection of rogues herded together in this Gibraltar prison; to the pick of English ruffianism was added the scum of local society; Spanish smugglers rubbed shoulders with garroters from Whitechapel; a Greek sailor, sentenced to “life” for manslaughter … [and] Moorish pirates from the Riff coast’ (p. 273).
The convict establishment included both transported felons from Britain and Ireland and those convicted locally in Gibraltar: mostly Spaniards, but also sailors, soldiers and sojourners from around the world.
Tensions ran high between Britain and Spain concerning Gibraltar, and the convict establishment was no exception. In 1856 the former Governor of Gibraltar, Sir Robert Gardiner, described Gibraltar as having ‘an excess of alien population as nationally Spanish in habits, connexions, family, predilections, language and religion, as on the day Gibraltar was ceded to England’ (Gardiner, Report on Gibraltar, 1856, p. 19). Officials were concerned about how association with local Spaniards might ‘corrupt’ British soldiers, warders and prisoners at Gibraltar, threatening the discipline of the prison from the outside in.
The former governor, Gardiner, believed that the ‘demoralisation of the troops was caused’ by being ‘in contact with the disorderly hordes, [Spanish] men and women, employed in … smuggling’ (Gardiner, Report on Gibraltar, p. 44). Since soldiers oversaw convicts on the naval works, this could, in turn, encourage smuggling into the prison.
In 1868, the visitors to Gibraltar’s convict establishment raised similar concerns about ‘the deterioration of Warders’ through association with Spaniards. They complained that ‘a large number of them are connected by Marriage with local families … [which] is the source of the illicit correspondence that goes on between the Prisoners and their families at home’ (The National Archives, CO 91/295, F.E. Watt, Chairman of Visitors of Convict Prison, to Captain Twyman, Gibraltar, 26 Aug 1868, no. 9745/65). Warders’ local familial links allowed prisoners to keep relationships with their family across the seas alive, away from the state’s surveillance.
Officials also disliked direct contact between Spaniards and British convicts who were associated together on the wards at night. Griffiths complained that ‘association with locals’ resulted in more escape attempts, as ‘home’ convicts learnt there was no extradition treaty with neighbouring Spain, and made mad dashes across the border (Griffiths, Prisons Overseas, 1900, pp.160-61).
Convicts worked on dockyards and other naval works which were manned by local workmen, offering opportunities for socialising and illicit trade. According to Griffiths, ‘at Gibraltar, where “free” people came and went in the quarries almost unquestioned, large transactions were constantly afoot’ (Griffiths, Prisons Overseas, pp.165-6). In Bermuda, both ‘the private manufactures of prisoners’ and ‘shoes were … a regular article of traffick’ (Whittingham, Bermuda: Colony, Fortress, and a Prison, 1857, pp. 210-11).
Convict parties were marched to scattered work-sites across the Bermudian archipelago, so they frequently came into contact with the free populace. Ferdinand Whittingham, a former field-officer, describes how ‘few ladies liked to walk out… till after working hours’ because ‘pass[ing] through such number of convicts’ meant they were likely to be subjected to ‘verbal insults or disrespectful remarks’ (Whittingham, Bermuda: Colony, Fortress, Prison, pp. 210-11).
Sometimes, real romances blossomed. A convict named Lodge engaged in a relationship with a ‘woman of colour…who kept a small huckster’s shop in Ireland Island [Bermuda], outside the dockyard’ (Whittingham, Bermuda: Colony, Fortress, Prison, pp. 219-20). She left her husband, a black ‘sailmaker for 25 years working for the British government’ and departed Bermuda for England, taking £800 and the title-deeds to three houses with her. These kinds of relationships were not uncommon: some convicts stayed on at Bermuda after their sentence to work as warders, going on to have relationships and start families with local women.
Most central to ‘cosmopolitanism’ is global mobility. By that measure, convicts certainly qualify. They had – like the sailors, soldiers and settlers – travelled across the seas to get there. Some were transported directly from Britain and Ireland to Bermuda or Gibraltar, others were former-soldiers transported from other parts of the British Empire (especially Canada). Some returned directly home after serving their sentences, but others emigrated on to Western Australia in search of a better life. Once under sentence, they were mobile within the dockyards and to dispersed worksites offering opportunities to meet polyglot sets of free workmen, sailors and residents. Though enforced and constrained, convicts’ global and local mobilities meant their lives were certainly ‘cosmopolitan’.
Sir Robert Gardiner, Report on Gibraltar considered as a Fortress and a Colony (London, 1856).
Arthur Griffiths, Lola: A Tale of Gibraltar (New York, 1877).
Arthur Griffiths, Prisons Overseas: deportation and colonization, British and American prisoners today (London, c. 1900).
Glenda Slugg and Julia Horne, ‘Cosmopolitanism: Its Past and Practices’, Journal of World History, 21:3 (2010), pp. 369-74.
Frederick Whittingham, Bermuda: Colony, Fortress, and a Prison: or eighteenth month in the Somers’ Islands, by a field officer (London, 1857).
Dr Katy Roscoe is a historian of crime and punishment in the British Empire, with a particular focus on maritime geographies. She is researching convict-workers on the royal naval dockyards at Bermuda and Gibraltar as Caird-Sackler Fellow at the National Maritime Museum in Greenwich. In 2020 she will take up Leverhulme Early Career Fellowship at the University of Liverpool researching ‘How Convicts Connected the World: Unfree Labour on British and Imperial Dockyards’. She was awarded her PhD in history from the University of Leicester in 2017 for her work on prison islands in colonial Australia. She tweets from @katyaroscoe.
Submissions are invited for the annual Hakluyt Society Essay Prize with an award (or more than one, if the judges so decide) up to a total of £1,000. The competition is open to any registered graduate student at a higher education institution (a university of equivalent) or to anyone who has been awarded a graduate degree in the past three years. The DEADLINE for submissions is 30 November 2019.
The prize or prizes for 2020 will be presented, if possible, at the Hakluyt Society’s Annual General Meeting in London in June 2020. Winners will also receive a one-year membership of the Hakluyt Society. The Society hopes that the winning essay will be published, either in the Society’s online journal or in a recognised academic journal.
Prizewinners will be invited to present a paper on the topic of their essay at a Hakluyt Society Symposium (in which case travel expenses within the UK will be reimbursed) and to contribute to the Hakluyt Society blog.
The winner of the 2019 Essay Prize was James Taylor. You can read about his winning essay here. Joint winners of the 2018 Essay Prize were Darren Smith (University of Sydney) and Whitney Robles (Harvard University). Previous winners include Owain Lawson (2015), Nailya Shamgunova (2016), and Annemarie Mclaren (2017). You can read about their winning essays here; here and here.
The competition is open to any registered graduate student at a higher education institution (a university or equivalent) or to anyone who has been awarded a graduate degree in the past three years. Proof of student status or of the date of a degree must accompany any submission. Allowance can be made for maternity leave.
Scope and subject matter
Before considering the submission of an essay, entrants should visit the Hakluyt Society’s web-site (www.hakluyt.com) to make themselves aware of the object of the Society and the scope and nature of its publications. Essays should be based on original research in any discipline in the humanities or social sciences, and on an aspect of the history of travel, exploration and cultural encounter or their effects, in the tradition of the work of the Society.
Essays should be in English (except for such citations in languages other than English as may appear in footnotes or endnotes) and between 6,000 and 8,000 words in length (including notes, excluding bibliography). Illustrations, diagrams and tables essential to the text fall outside the word count. Submissions should be unpublished, and not currently in press, in production or under review elsewhere.
Submission procedures and deadline
Essays should be submitted as email attachments in Word.doc format to The Administrator at firstname.lastname@example.org by 30 November 2019. The entrant’s name, address (including preferred email address), institutional affiliation (if any, with date of admission), and degrees (if any, with dates of conferment) should appear within the body of the email, together with a note of the title of the submitted essay. The subject line of the email should include the words ‘HAKLUYT SOCIETY ESSAY PRIZE’ and the author’s name. By submitting an essay, an entrant certifies that it is the entrant’s own original work.
The Judging Panel encourages innovative submissions that make an important contribution to knowledge, or a critical or methodological contribution to scholarship. The panel and selected reviewers will pay attention to the analytical rigour, originality, wider significance, depth and scope of the work, as well as to style and presentation. The panel comprises selected academic faculty from among past and present members of the Hakluyt Society’s Council, including the editorial board of The Journal of the Hakluyt Society.
The Prize Committee reserves the right not to award a prize, if no submission is judged to be of sufficient merit. The Committee’s decision will be announced in April 2020.
NOTE: Prize winners agree to acknowledge the receipt of their award in any future publication of the prize essay. In addition, they will be expected to contribute to the Society’s public dissemination as appropriate. This may include, but is not limited to, presenting a paper at a Hakluyt Society symposium (in which case travel expenses within the UK will be reimbursed) and contributing to the Hakluyt Society blog.
Presenting a different perspective on early-modern knowledge of travel and trade, Dr Katie Bank highlights how descriptions of exploration, new lands, and luxury goods could be mediated to audiences through music and song. Her work sheds fascinating new light on the transfer of knowledge about far away lands, exotic explorations, and the use of Hakluyt’s Principal Navigations as a source for musical content.
Thomas Weelkes’s (1576-1623) anonymously-authored bipartite madrigal for six voices, “Thule, the period of cosmographie” (1600), paints a scene of strange spectacle complete with merchants from far off places, ‘flying fishes’, treasures and goods from abroad, foreign islands, exotic volcanoes and other wonders of exploration of the known world
Thule, the period of Cosmographie,
Doth vaunt of Hecla, whose sulphureous fire
Doth melt the frozen Clime, and thaw the Skie;
Trinacrian Ætna’s flames ascend not higher:
These things seem wondrous, yet more wondrous I,
Whose hart with feare doth freeze, with love doth fry.
The Andalusian Merchant, that returnes
Laden with cutchinele and China dishes,
Reports in Spaine how strangely Fogo burnes
Amidst an Ocean full of flying fishes:
These things seem wondrous, yet more wondrous I,
Whose hart with feare doth freeze, with love doth fry.
Thomas Weelkes, Madrigals of 5. And 6. Parts apt for viols and voices
(London, 1600), sig. D2r.
Music and music making were a daily part of life for early modern English people. One can imagine that in the household of Weelkes’s patron, Sir George Brooke (1586-1603), recreational music would have been played and sung alongside political chat, literary discussion, games, exchange about current events, wine drinking, and general banter. Brooke’s close social and familial circles included important courtly figures, like politician Robert Cecil (1563-1612) and Walter Raleigh (c.1562-1618), who may have been included in these types of evening entertainments.
I believe that the inspiration for Weelkes’s song text is Richard Hakluyt’s The Principal Navigations, as every image described in the text is accounted for in Hakluyt’s edition. Hecla and Ætna are mentioned dozens of times individually within Hakluyt’s greater work, but this passage makes a direct comparison between the two volcanoes: “[t]here is Hecla a mountaine in Island, which burneth like unto Ætna at certain seasons” (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, 1598-1600, sig.Aaa6v). The equivalent section in Latin states that Ætna is in Sicily. Hecla is described as having a “frozen top, and the firie bottome” and the author remarks that it is “no marvelle that fire lurking so deep in the roots of a mountaine, and never breaking forth except it be very seldome, should not be able continually to melt the snow covering the toppe of the sayd mountayne” (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, sig.Aaa3r). Another writer mentioned Hecla and described Icelanders as inhabiting “frozen clime” (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, sig.Ccc3v).
Naturally, Hakluyt’s collection mentions “Andaluzia” many times as a busy port and discusses the activities of Spanish merchants thoroughly. Another of Hakluyt’s accounts describes the capture of a foreign ship that had recently returned from the New World: “[t]his ship was of some three or foure hundred tunnes, and had in her … sixe chests of Cochinell, every chest houlding one hundred pound weight, and every pound worth sixe and twentie shillings and eight pence, and certaine chests of Sugar and China dishes, with some plate and silver” (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, sig.Ooo4v).
Similarly, in an account of volcano ‘Fogo, so called, because it casteth continually flames of fire and smoake out of the top thereof, all the whole island being one high mountaine’, the writer also describes nearby sea life on the same page:
Here we saw flying fishes in great abundance, some a foote long, some lesse. Their fynnes wherewith they flye be as long as their bodies. They be greatly pursued by the Dolphine and Bonitoes, whom as soone as the flying fishes espie, immediatly they mount out of the sea in great numbers, and fly as long as their fynnes continue moyst: and when they bee dry, they fall downe into the sea againe.
Hakluyt, Principal Navigations (1599-1600), sig.Rrr2v.
In both Fogo/flying fish and with cochineal/China dishes, it is the proximity of the images on the page that make Hakluyt a convincing possible source for the poem’s imagery.
In his dedication to Robert Cecil, Hakluyt wrote that the “sweet studie of the historie of Cosmographie,” was the current limit of the mappable universe. Yet as Seneca predicted, one day the known world would expand, and the “yle of Thule would no more be the uttermost limite of the earth” (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, sig.A2r-A3v). In a sense, this madrigal’s text and setting fulfils Seneca’s prediction by redirecting wondrous exploration of the external world towards the mysterious frontier of selfhood with the repeated couplet at the end of each stanza. By exploring the reaches of the earth, we are forced to explore ourselves and our place in it.
Dr. Katie Bank is a National Endowment for the Humanities Scholar at the Newberry Library and early career researcher in musicology.
James Taylor, winner of the 2019 Hakluyt Society Essay Prize, gives us an insight into the nuances of gift-giving in encounters between early modern Europeans and Southeast Asians, with a extract from his prize-winning essay.
From the earliest European contact with Southeast Asia through to the era of ‘high imperialism’, the process of gift-giving sits at the fulcrum of a dynamic relationship; it is an instance of continuity apparent through several centuries of dramatic change over the course of which rough-and-ready trade deals came to be replaced by fully functioning imperial hegemony.
My research has addressed two broad questions: what role did the gift play in this context and what can be learnt from examining this area of history through the lens of reciprocal gift exchange rather than within the conceptual framework of an ‘age of commerce’?
The role of the gift
Initial encounters between European traders and Southeast Asians relied on gift exchange as a means of establishing basic mutual goodwill. During a brief stop at a supposedly uninhabited island in the Philippines in March 1521, Ferdinand Magellan and his crew were approached by a group of ten Filipinos in a boat, curious to discover the identity of their foreign visitors. Neither party could know the others’ intentions, whether they were friendly or hostile, stronger or weaker, nor could they vocally communicate these things to one another without chancing potentially serious misunderstanding. In the event, Antonio Pigafetta’s account tells us, ‘the captain … seeing that these people were reasonable’ gave them an assortment of small goods, and in return, ‘when these people saw the politeness of the captain … presented some fish, and a vessel of palm wine’.
First contact between parties that were largely if not entirely ignorant of one another’s social customs and backgrounds would often unfold like this. The exchange of gifts, however makeshift, served to establish a working equality between unfamiliar parties and created a platform of communication that defied language barriers. The gifts given in such situations were typically improvised and unceremonious; moments of on-the-spot reciprocity that conveyed basic but crucial messages of mutual respect and a willingness to cooperate.
Gift-giving took on additional meaning as relationships between Europeans and Southeast Asians became more established. Against the backdrop of growing European influence in the region during the seventeenth century, Southeast Asian rulers’ gifting became more noticeably orientated around those rulers asserting their dominance.
In a rather gruesome account, the English trader Thomas Bowrey describes watching the baiting and capturing of what was probably a black panther. The Raja of Janselone, noticing that Bowrey was impressed by the animal’s teeth, ordered his soldiers to knock them out and gave one to Bowrey as a gift. This presentation can be seen as the final act of an elaborate and highly symbolic spectacle, intended to demonstrate to foreigners the Raja’s mastery over the predators and threats of his world. The final, impulsive order given by the Raja to have the panther’s teeth put out and for one to be presented to Bowrey seems intended to shock him with the Raja’s readiness and freedom to manipulate the wild world according to his will.
As the imperial presence of the Dutch and English became more firmly established in the region through the expanding operations of their trading companies, the gift remained important, but its usage became more sophisticated. In 1620, the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie, or VOC) presented medals (above) to Ambonese orangkayas (wealthy merchants or gentlemen) and princes whose design – engraved with a fleet of cora-cora on one side and the Dutch lion on the other – epitomised the Dutch effort to adopt Southeast Asian cultural symbolism in order to acquire legitimacy for their growing political and commercial influence.
At the end of the seventeenth century, moreover, these objects were still owned by the descendants of their original recipients. They were meant as lasting physical embodiments of the pact of friendship the Ambonese orangkayas had made with the VOC, and in this sense they reflect the Company’s impressive recognition of the significance of diplomatic gifts to Southeast Asians – symbols of the personal and of intangible bonds of loyalty rather than utilitarian or saleable objects.
As late as the mid-nineteenth century, Munshi Abdullah describes an elaborate presentation of a state sword (above) to the Temenggong of Johor in 1846 for help given to the colonial government. At the ceremony, the British Governor William Butterworth delivered a speech heavily laden with warnings to Asian peoples who might oppose the will of the British Company.
After receiving the sword, Abdullah tells us, the Temenggong ‘became all the more devoted and loyal.’ His loyalty became so great that he apparently ‘submitted entirely to the governor’s wishes and obeyed the directions of the government in all matters.’ Gift-giving seems to have served Europeans as a tool to socially elevate those who were compliant with their wishes; a strategy of divide and rule masked by a discourse of diplomacy that was reassuringly familiar to Southeast Asian subjects. Indeed, although the presentation of the sword to the Temenggong was organised by the British colonial administration, they allowed the ceremonial trappings of Southeast Asian gift-giving (quite literally) to surround the event – music played as girls danced in the Malay fashion ‘and in the style of Kelatan’ before the gathered crowd.
Gift-giving as a lens
Examining moments of gift-giving is important because it reveals significant differences between European and Southeast Asian aims, interests and discourses of diplomacy in the early modern period. Most apparent from my research has been the contrast between the personal and impersonal diplomatic approaches of Southeast Asians and Europeans respectively.
Many Europeans’ predominantly commercial interests in the region were not shared with such gusto by Southeast Asians, whose priorities were more concerned with forging political alliances that were often contingent on a personal bond with the particular explorer or trader who appeared before them.
Rather than a uniform ‘age of commerce’, then, the themes of engagement on which inter-cultural relationships were predicated in this era are highly nuanced. Accordingly, gift-giving proved to be an indispensable tool in mollifying potentially obstructive differences and enabling cooperation.
James Taylor is a graduate student at City, University of London and winner of the Hakluyt Society Essay Prize 2019. His essay, ‘Gift-giving, Reciprocity and the Negotiation of Power, c.1500-1824’, considers the role of gift-giving as an indispensable and ongoing process that facilitated inter-cultural interactions between European traders and Southeast Asian rulers throughout the early modern period. He will present his research in more detail at the Society’s Annual Symposium in Leiden this September.
Please register via this link before 1 September 2019. The full registration fee is €50. The fee for Hakluyt Society Members and Linschoten-Vereeniging members is €25. Lunch and tea/coffee will be provided on both days. Hakluyt Society Student Members attend the symposium for free, and should register by emailing email@example.com (please include your membership number in your email). To become a Hakluyt Society (student) member, follow the instructions here.
If you need accommodation in Leiden during the symposium, we can offer a special conference rate of 85 euros per night, including WIFI and breakfast, at the IBIS hotel. This hotel is located close to the railway station and is a 10-15 minute walk from the symposium venue. For those who want to go local, the hotel also rents out bikes for the duration of your stay! We advise contacting the hotel early with your travel plans. Please book by email (firstname.lastname@example.org) with “Universiteit Leiden” in the subject line, stating that you are booking for the symposium.
The conference will be held in the University’s recently restored P.J. Veth building overlooking the Botanical Gardens. The botanical gardens are the oldest in The Netherlands (1590) and we do encourage attendees to take a quick tour over one of the lunch breaks. All breaks will be on site; the drinks receptions and the conference dinner will be within easy walking distance from the venue. If you have any mobility or dietary concerns, or any other questions, please do get in touch via email@example.com.